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| 明報 A31 | 論壇 | 國際．視野 | By 陳家洛 |
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| 1980 年8 月14 日，工人階級起來反對自稱是「無產階級先鋒」的共產政權。位於北部城市格旦斯克的列寧造船廠爆發工潮，反對物價上漲和要求改善待遇。工人冷靜而意志堅定， 不再相信波共領導人的「甜言蜜語」，要求談判。雪球愈滾愈大，起先是沿海各城市的工人聲援，然後全國上下其他行業的工人加入，並跨越階級與知識分子緊密合 作，在列寧造船廠成立了聯合罷工委員會。他們採用「長時期佔領式罷工」，集合在工廠船廠守候，迫使官方前來談判。在華里沙這名個子矮小的電工帶領下，一班 船廠工人為民族更新的使命成就了有1000 萬參與者的團結工會運動。「波蘭八月」是紀念團結工會運動崛起的季節。顧名思義，面對強大的對手和武力鎮壓的經驗，團結是克服分化、持續抗爭的必要條件。事實上，波共最怕的就是原本各自修行、孤立無助的群體突然走在一起，向他們爭取集體權益。最精彩的部分，可算是團結工會運動不滿足於短期的紓緩措施，卻以推動人權和建設合理制度為己任。團結工會的21 項要求包括：人民有權組織獨立自主的工會、工人享有罷工權、市民享有言論及資訊自由、媒體享有獨立自主的編採權、人民和團體有參與各項改革計劃的權利等。團結工會跟副總理談判的過程公開透明，每日由自己的工會「地下」刊物《團結報》跟進報道。經一事長一智，試過1956、1968 和1970 三次大規模抗爭的起落。大家似乎都明白只有自己義無反顧的參與才能保證運動的持久力。因此，1981 年底的軍事鎮壓對團結工會的破壞只屬短暫性，地下活動從未被遏止，7年後再獲波共邀請展開「圓桌會談」。1989 年6 月4日，波蘭的共產政權在選舉受挫後和平解體。團結工會運動成功帶領人民邁向民主自由的新世代，也完成了它的歷史任務而由運動轉型為工會。今天波蘭是正常的民主國家，格旦斯克的造船廠不再用列寧的名字，多番「瘦身」後僱員由全盛期1.7 萬人跌至今天3000 人。造船廠管理層正認真考慮歐盟的建議，先把造船廠規模再縮減三分之二，同時着手研究把這個團結工會運動的發源地私營化，實在令人惋惜。不過，向來尊重歷史和文化傳承的波蘭人民總會想出有效保存造船廠的方案，歐盟亦非要造船廠結束經營不可。團結才會贏
「香港八月」，紮鐵工人罷工，爭取較合理的工資和批評判頭制度弊病。值得留意是，格旦斯克（列寧）造船廠工人跟本地紮鐵工人面對的困局，皆源自不公平資源分配原則、勞工權利不彰和不健全的制度。團結工會的經驗也要求其他工種和階層人士要「多管閒事」，與工人團結爭取改革，避免單打獨鬥。若波蘭的學生、知識分子和天主教會當年因擔心被指「別有用心」、「抽水」而坐視不理，就不會有團結工會運動了。 明乎此，一些學界和文化界的市民和學生發起的聯署，以至罷工基金的設立，均有助為紮鐵工人凝聚較廣泛和實質的力量去推動改革，催促香港的勞工狀况與 國際勞 工公約接軌，討回被臨時立法會剝取了的勞工集體談判權。實質的團結不能一蹴即就，但任何有助發展團結基礎的事情都要用心經營。 重要的是，團結工會運動的精神和經驗在在說明工運本身，由始至終就是一場政治運動，涉及社會資源分配的原則、公民權利和制度改革三大面向。本地傳媒和個別評論大驚小怪，說要提防什麼「政治化」就更莫名其妙！ 團結工會歷史：www.solidarity.gov.pl 支持紮鐵工人聯合聲明： www.inmediahk.net/public/article?item_id=254142 |
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Solidarity runs dry in Poland
| By Nick Thorpe BBC News, Poland |
The famous Gdansk shipyard in Poland has been given an ultimatum by the European Commission: cut back or close down. Poland stands accused of breaching rules on state subsidies, designed to ensure fair competition.
“This shipyard is like a mother to us,” Lech Walesa tells me. “Do you liquidate your own mother?”He does not say kill, or strangle, or murder. He says liquidate.
The man who founded the independent Solidarity trade union in Gdansk in 1980 – and later became president of Poland – now sits in a spacious office, in one of the ancient gates which guard the old city. His famous moustache is as white today as the eagle on the Polish flag.
Symbols of Solidarity
A 15-minute walk away, Gate Two of the shipyard still reminds me of the grainy newspaper photographs from 1980, when a somewhat slimmer Lech Walesa scaled it to confront the management with a strike that turned into a revolution. The shape of the railings. The tall poplars growing behind them.
No doubt the workers apologised to visiting journalists then too, about their humble lavatory in the guardroom.
But the symbols of Solidarity have grown up all around. The monument to the Trade Union – three tall crosses, adorned with anchors. A museum dedicated to Solidarity, and all who have drawn inspiration from her struggle, called Roads to Freedom.
With a superhuman effort to control his anger, Solidarity trade union leader Karol Guzikiewicz speaks into my microphone, as though he is addressing a vast crowd at the gates.
“I would like to take the opportunity of this interview, with an organisation which is listened to all over the world, to invite the officials at the European Union who will decide our fate, to come here and see every stone, every piece of ground first. To see what we have done, and what we plan to achieve,” he says.
Karol was a young worker here when Solidarity was founded. He rose through the movement to become a seasoned union activist, a worker participating in the workers’ defeat of a workers’ state.
EU ultimatum
We sit in his car for a whirlwind tour of the shipyard. The news of the EU ultimatum hangs more heavily than a giant crane overhead.
He drives fast and furiously through the crumbling industrial landscape – over the cobbles, the old rail tracks, the broken Tarmac – and reverses into a large rubbish bin. It topples over, but Karol single-handedly heaves it back onto its wheels.
This may be a scene of desolation, but there is no litter.
By the gate, an elderly lady carries away a poplar branch which has fallen in the wind. White clouds scud across a sky of Baltic blue. A sun, which is torturing countries further south, is gentler on the skin here. Seagulls wheel and cry news of the Brussels ultimatum like newsboys when war breaks out.
We arrive at the slipways, the main battlefield with the European Commission. Only three still operate, leased today from a Danish owner, until 2010. Brussels is demanding that they close two immediately, leaving only one.
Karol breathes heavily. “Do these people not realise,” he asks, “that you cannot build a ship with only one slipway? You have to have two.”
Property speculators
In distant Brussels, the European Commission spokesman on competition issues, Jonathan Todd, insists that Gdansk has been given “a last chance”. It has until 21 August to comply.
Two-thirds of the land here has already been sold to developers. The shipyard says this has not been taken into account in the bureaucrats’ calculations.
The European Commission, the workers mutter darkly, stands on the side of property speculators, who want the remaining land as well – and no rump shipyard on their expensive doorsteps.
The shipyard stands right on the edge of the old city. The developers plan smart flats here, on the shore of the Motlawa canal, and a yacht marina where the old slipways used to stand.
The management, for once, is with the workers.
“We have orders for new ships,” insists Andrzej Jaworski, the general manager.
“Container vessels for Germany, research ships for Norway, vessels to transport liquid gas. And we have investors. The European Commission should be helping European yards compete with the yards of Asia, not closing us down.”
The ownership of Polish shipyards is devilishly complicated. Since the return of capitalism, they have been subsidised, sold and splintered. Now the European Commission has accepted restructuring plans put forward by other Polish yards in Gdynia and Szczecin, but rejected that put forward by Gdansk.
If no new plan is put forward by the deadline, it will have to pay back £35m ($70m) in state aid, insists the Commission. Money which Gdansk claims it never received. It went to the others.
How can a union defend its members in the 21st Century?
“If necessary,” says Karol, “we will go to Strasbourg. And tear down the masts, the flagpoles we gave as a gift to the European Parliament when Poland joined the European Union. But I hope it won’t come to that.”
